This paper is concerned with the study of the Czech analytic causative constructions formed with dá(va)t and nech(áv)at, each of which may express both permissive (‘letting’) and factitive (‘making’) causation. The study is based on data extracted from the Czech National Corpus (SYN 2000). After having singled out three syntactic constructions, categorized with respect to the form of the Causee ̶ the By-causatives, the Accusative causatives as well as the Dative causatives ̶ an analysis has been conducted based on the syntactic restrictions evident in each construction, as well as the set of infinitives that appear in them, the aspect of both matrix verbs and infinitives and the role of reflexives. Attention has also been devoted to the level of integration of the causing and the caused event and to the vantage point by which the causative event coded by each construction is considered. It is shown that the three constructions involving the verbs dá(va)t and nech(áv)at differ not only in respect to their syntactic behavior, but also in respect to the kind of causative episode they code.

Le costruzioni causative analitiche in ceco: una prospettiva costruzionista.

PERISSUTTI, Anna Maria
2010

Abstract

This paper is concerned with the study of the Czech analytic causative constructions formed with dá(va)t and nech(áv)at, each of which may express both permissive (‘letting’) and factitive (‘making’) causation. The study is based on data extracted from the Czech National Corpus (SYN 2000). After having singled out three syntactic constructions, categorized with respect to the form of the Causee ̶ the By-causatives, the Accusative causatives as well as the Dative causatives ̶ an analysis has been conducted based on the syntactic restrictions evident in each construction, as well as the set of infinitives that appear in them, the aspect of both matrix verbs and infinitives and the role of reflexives. Attention has also been devoted to the level of integration of the causing and the caused event and to the vantage point by which the causative event coded by each construction is considered. It is shown that the three constructions involving the verbs dá(va)t and nech(áv)at differ not only in respect to their syntactic behavior, but also in respect to the kind of causative episode they code.
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: http://hdl.handle.net/11390/864358
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