This study investigates the grammaticalization of the progressive periphrasis in Timavese (Tischlbongarisch). Under the long-term influence of more prestigious Romance varieties,particularly Carnic Friulian, Timavese developed a specific progressive construction: sain(an)darhintar zan + Inf. (‘to be behind to + Infinitive’). This periphrasis is a direct morphosyntacticcalque of the Friulian modeljessî davour al + Inf. Our investigation, based on a field inquiry, indi-cates that the Timavese construction exhibits a significantly lower degree of grammaticalization. It is less integrated into the verbal system, as the simple verb form is often considered an equally valid alternative for the progressive aspect. Furthermore, the Timavese periphrasis displays a more restricted application range across different verb types and grammatical categories, unlike the Friulian model. The study thus confirms the construction as an instance of contact-induced grammatical replication, showing that the development of a borrowed construction does not necessarily perfectly mirror that of the source language
The Grammaticalization of the Timavese Progressive Periphrasis
Francesco Zuin
2026-01-01
Abstract
This study investigates the grammaticalization of the progressive periphrasis in Timavese (Tischlbongarisch). Under the long-term influence of more prestigious Romance varieties,particularly Carnic Friulian, Timavese developed a specific progressive construction: sain(an)darhintar zan + Inf. (‘to be behind to + Infinitive’). This periphrasis is a direct morphosyntacticcalque of the Friulian modeljessî davour al + Inf. Our investigation, based on a field inquiry, indi-cates that the Timavese construction exhibits a significantly lower degree of grammaticalization. It is less integrated into the verbal system, as the simple verb form is often considered an equally valid alternative for the progressive aspect. Furthermore, the Timavese periphrasis displays a more restricted application range across different verb types and grammatical categories, unlike the Friulian model. The study thus confirms the construction as an instance of contact-induced grammatical replication, showing that the development of a borrowed construction does not necessarily perfectly mirror that of the source language| File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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